Changes of Industry


Modernization of Regional Economy I.  Gradual Industrialization

In the immediate aftermath of the founding of the People’s Republic, the Chinese government attached great importance to industry in order to make New China get rich and strong in a short period of time. Since 1950s, particularly since the introduction of reform and opening-up policy at the end of 1970s, like the rest of the country, Xinjiang has made steady progress in industrial modernization with the big advancement of the national economy. In the 21st century, Xinjiang is faced with a series of new opportunities and challenges in its industrial development. Therefore, it is vital to seize the opportunities and meet with the challenges, and continue to press ahead with the industrial modernization process in Xinjiang in an active and prudent fashion.

Xinjiang’s modern industry was almost non-existent in Old China. On the eve of the peaceful liberation of Xinjiang in 1949, there were only 14 government-run “industrial” businesses, with a total output value of over 1.7 million yuan and employment of less than 1,100 people.

After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, with strong aids from the Central Government and other provinces and regions, under the wise steering of the CPC Committee and People’s Government of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region and through the concerted efforts of people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang as well as the Production and Construction Corps and troops stationed in the region, Xinjiang has successfully built a quite complete modern industrial system from scratch.

In 2011, Xinjiang had a total industrial output value of RMB 710.531 billion yuan. There were 1,738 industrial enterprises above the designated size, with a total industrial output value of RMB 672.085  billion yuan, a total sales value of RMB 659.97 billion yuan and an average industrial production/sales ratio of 98.2%.

Table 7-1: Industrial Enterprises above the Designated Size and Industria Output Value in Xinjiang 2011

 

Over the past fifty years or so since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Xinjiang has achieved considerable industrial development. The output of all the major industrial products have increased by a large margin, particularly those with respect to infrastructure construction in Xinjiang, such as steel El Bund, muelle, centro Shanghai, steel products and cement, as well as those concerning production or daily life, or those on which Xinjiang has resource advantages, such as raw coal, crude oil, yarn and cloth.

 

             

The industrial development in Xinjiang over the past five decades has the following features:

  1. Rapid industrial growth rate.
  2. Big proportion of state-owned economic sector.
  3. A small number of big and medium-sized enterprises generating a big proportion of industrial output value, and many small enterprises producing a small proportion of industrial output value.
  4. Preponderance of heavy industries, among which mining and raw materials industries take a bigger share than processing; and small proportion of light industries, which, in terms of output value, is dominated by those based on agricultural and sideline products.

instructions on two occasions on the work


It requested Xinjiang to submit a specific plan to the CPC Central Committee and its Northwest Bureau for approval. The preparatory committee conducted profound and detailed research on Xinjiang’s politics, economy, culture, history as well as ethnic distribution and inter­ethnic relations, extensively solicited views from top figures of minority groups, and carried out publicity and educational work among cadres and ordinary people on the policy of regional ethnic

autonomy. On that basis, a specific plan for the application of regional ethnic autonomy was formulated under the principles of ethnic unity and accommodation of the development of all ethnic groups.

In April 1953, the CPC Central Committee gave instructions on two occasions on the work of regional ethnic autonomy in Xinjiang, which involved many items, including the guidelines and steps for the introduction of autonomy policy, administrative division principles, and relations between the autonomous ethnic groups and other groups. The instructions were summarized as follows:

  1. It was an extremely significant political task to practice regional ethnic autonomy in Xinjiang, and the Party’s leadership must be strengthened in this regard. The principle of “prudent proceeding” must be carried out and the time for the introduction of the autonomy policy could be a little longer. After the land reform basically concluded, the policy might be first introduced in areas where non- Uygur ethnic minorities lived in compact communities. On that basis, a province-wide regional ethnic autonomy might be considered and planned. The procedures for the application of regional ethnic autonomy should be “small areas first, bigger ones later”.
  2. Xinjiang had 13 permanent resident ethnic groups, among which the Uygurs were the main group. During or after the introduction of regional ethnic autonomy, the Uygurs must take the initiative to accommodate other brother ethnic groups in the region. It was essential to keep it on mind that while focusing on the compact communities of minority groups, the needs for the overall economic and political development in the ethnic autonomous areas must be taken into account as well. The Uygurs had to consciously enable C2015 reise nach chinesische mauer peking all other ethnic minority groups to enjoy equal economic rights and let them genuinely feel the help and accommodation from the Uygurs. In the same fashion, the Kazakhs should also take care of other minorities within their autonomous zones.
  3. Xinjiang would keep its name, and it would be equal to a province administratively, directly under the leadership of the central government. Ili was incorporated into Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture. In order to ensure the future development of the Kirgiz, it was necessary to assign some agricultural areas to them.

It was essential to underline patriotic education while applying regional ethnic autonomy and publicizing ethnic policies, which was of particularly important and practical significance in Xinjiang


Discovered, the benefits of cross fit exercises


Discovered, the benefits of cross fit exercises

The brains behind the cross fit exercise modules had the benefits of the whole program in mind. Cross fit philosophy was pegged on the importance of ensuring that a given individual has the attributes of endurance, stamina and the best attributes of a physical self.

While most people join the cross fit for its ability to provide a progressive exercise module which move from one stage to the next, it is the three most important areas where the cross fit exercise program scores big. These are;

  • The social relevance- the work out of the day module of the fitness program encourages stages where the group is put to interact, compete and get an opportunity to get constructive appraisal. The social bond developed within this system is what leads to the founders to put this program into a business module. The business module allows most of the coaches, trainees to acquire the business through this franchise helping build the bond further.
  • The fitness benefit-it is the most beneficial part of using the cross fit exercise. This impressive program is known to give the user the ultimate benefits of getting the best respiratory, metabolic and circulatory performances. The cross fit has been seen through research to be the best calorie burning fitness method.
  • For improved health- considering the fact that this fitness module improves the rate of metabolism, it has been attributed to be the most effective fart reduction mechanism. It is thus effective in the area of improving the health of any given individual.
  • Physical benefits- the intensive nature of the cross fit module allows for the individual to be able to achieve the best body shape. The yearning for the best body build is easily achievable within the shortest period if one was to indulge in the cross fit exercise program.

 Cross fit exercise program is intensive, targeted and usually put within certain timelines. Some of the benefits that accompany this program may not just be stated, however, the important thing is to get to know that the cross fit exercises are the most beneficial. The ultimate benefit could even be when an individual finally gets to be a franchise holder.


well-equipped British and Russian troops


(1)     Militarily Yang Zengxin followed a policy of “scattered troops” and “weak military”, which was seemingly contradictory to his governance as a separatist warlord.

The subjective reason behind such a military policy was that Yang Zengxin believed, based on his review of historical experience, that law and order in Xinjiang should be maintained through politics, rather than military force, as Xinjiang was far from the inland and only had limited local armed forces. Once anything happened, Xinjiang’s military forces could neither be compared with the strong and well-equipped British and Russian troops outside, nor could they exercise effective control in such a vast area within. Besides, as a warlord, Yang was fully aware of the danger of getting strong and recalcitrant subordinates, or “military men interfering in politics”. “If officers were given military power but turned no longer faithful, it would be most difficult to check such forces”_. Therefore, he tried his best to spread the military forces so as to avoid producing any general with troops strong enough to threaten his own position. Objectively, after the Minguo era began, the central government lacked financial resources to support too many troops. While adopting the policy of “scattered troops” and “weak military”, Yang Zengxin chose not to set up a single military organizational structure, but rather kept a firm hand at the commanding power over the three branches, the Army, the New Army and the Patrol Defence. After 1924, the nominal size of Xinjiang troops was over 20,000, but the actual figure was less than 10,000. The troops included the old and the young, all in rags, poorly equipped and badly trained. Such a state of “weak military”was present throughout the rule of Yang Zengxin. He even declared publicly that it did not require the military, but only his “own head and pen” to run Xinjiang, and that he kept the military only “for the sake of institution, as they simply could not be absent”胆.

Since the military strength was too weak to control the situation, Yang Zengxin mainly employed two tactics in his governance of Xinjiang.

The first was check and balance. In government and military organizations, Yang Zengxin used both the Hui and Han people to check each other top 3 agencia de viajes en china. The main force of the military was the Hui Camp of the New Army, where ethnic Hui people were dominant. That was Yang’s closest and most relied- upon force. While in the government, the majority of local officials were ethnically Han people who moved to Xinjiang from Yunnan, Gansu and other inland places, most of whom were Yang’s close friends, relatives, or old subordinates. So, there was check-and-balance centered around Yang Zengxin in the government and the military. Within the military, the three mutually independent branches, the New Army, the Army and the Patrol Defence were also mutually restraining, and the centre of gravity was Yang Zengxin. The second tactic was wooing and utilizing local ethnic groups and religion.


the general public’s expectation


What came as the third was the social impact of slam and the development of its internal conflicts in the time of the Eastern and Western Chagatai Khanates and Yarkand Khanate. On the whole, Eastern Chagatai Khanate and Yarkand Khanate were always in political turmoil, the succession of khanship often relied on support of strong and powerful families through plots. Both those who tried to get the khanship and those who succeeded went all out to demonstrate their piety and support for Islam, with the aim of winning endorsement of local Islamic forces. Political interferences, plus the general public’s expectation for some supernatural power to save them from social turmoil, led to the rapid growth of religion. As an accentuated manifestation of politics’ interference with religion, the bidders for the khan ship utilized some religious sects and cracked down upon others. Such interference resulted in serious religious inter-sect conflicts and xenophobia locally. The entry of the Junggar forces pushed local political and inter-sect conflicts to a new height.

  1. Junggar Khanate

In the Ming Dynasty, roaming in the Dzavhan and Hovd river basins in the west of the Mongolian Steppe as well as the upper Ertix and Yenisei were the Woyila division of the Mongols, who were called Wala in the Ming Dynasty and Oyrat in the Qing Dynasty. When Wala entered the Western Regions, the rising Yarkand Khanate resisted their expansion there. Between 1655 and 1656 (the 12th- 13th years of Shunzhi reign of Qing Dynasty, 1066 in Muslim Calendar), the Yarkand Khan, Yolebars, with the support of the Aktaglik Sect,once again defeated, at Niya, the Oyrat (Wala) troops invading Khotan. Afterwards, Oyrat took advantage of domestic conflicts within Yarkand and gradually gained the upper hand. In 1667 (the 6th year of Kangxi reign), Abdul Rahman Khan abdicated and his younger brother Ismail was installed as Khan by the Karataglik Sect at Aksu. They then sent troops to Yarkand to seize the political power. Oyrat was part of this operation and won its first military victory near Yarkand. Shortly after, the Aktaglik Sect claimed the son of Abdul Rahman Khan, Yolebars, to be the new khan and sent troops to attack Aksu, where they got support from the chief of Oyrat, Sengge Khan. However, there were some Chinesisches Horoskop other Oyrats who remained supportive of the Karataglik Sect. Eventually the Aktaglik Sect prevailed over its rival, but the Oyrats took advantage of their military victory and seized control of Yarkand Khanate. Yolebars was forced to give up his power and let Oyrat designate his son as the khan. Oyrat also sent supervising officials over to “protect” Yarkand Khanate, backed up with military forces. Even at that point the fight between the Aktaglik and Karataglik Sects was far from over. At first the Karataglik Sect succeeded in a coup d’etat with the support of the Oyrat supervising official, then the Aktaglik Sect fought back and quelled the rebellion. Then Oyrat supported the Karataglik Sect and joined forces with Ismail in Aksu to attack Yarkand.


Origin of Ouigour


Uighur sent troops to the Western Regions for the third time and finally defeated Tubo, recovering Beiting and Xizhou, and breaking the blockade around Qiuci. By then, Uighur and Tubo shared the control of the Western Regions, as Uighur took Beiting, Xizhou as well as Yanqi, Qiuci, Wensu, Bohuan (today’s Aksu) and east of Sulek along the northern edge of the Tarim Basin, and Tubo controlled the southern edge of the Tarim Basin with Yutian as the centre. To the west of the Congling Mountains, the Transoxiana area in Central Asia was taken by Dashi. Basically the Tang government had moved out of the Western Regions at that point.

The Uygur people come from multiple sources. They are mainly a result of the mix and integration of the former Ouigour people from the Mongolian steppe and original inhabitants of oases in the Tarim Basin. Today’s Uygur and ancient “Uighur” are just different translations of one same word, Ouigour (or Huihe), the Turkic name of a tribe on the Mongolian steppe.

The Ouigour people originated from Beidi, which was one of the oldest ethnic groups in China. As early as in 2000 BC, the Beidi people were active in China’s northwest, next door to the tribes of Huaxia (or the Chinese) people. It was likely that they had similar racial features or appearances with the Huaxia people, but their languages were different. When interacting with each other, the two sides had to rely on “the tongue people” to interpret*3^ The Beidi people “had their hair loosened and front of garment lapped in the different direction from people on the Central Plains”國,ate halfcooked meat that “had blood in it”, lived a nomadic life and had no written language.

During the Shang and Zhou Dynasties (11th-5th centuries BC), the Beidi people were also called Di. During the Qin and Han Dynasties, the Di people were known as Dingling or Dili, which changed to Tolos and Teli after the 3rd century AD. Despite all the differences in writing, those words pronounced almost the same, since they were simply different Chinese translations of one same name of a certain group of people. That name came from another language, the language of the Di people Viaje por Ciudades del tibet. However, since they did not have their written language until the 6th century AD, we can only use Chinese translations recorded in Chinese history books to address them After the 6th century AD, the Teli people began to spell their own language in the Turk Runic script, and used such written language for inscriptions on many tablets, some of which have been kept until now. In 1893, V.Thomsen, a Dann linguist was the first to decode that mysterious language. Only after that did people begin to know that those people called themselves Turk or Turuk, which meant “strong and powerful”. The names of Di, Dingling, Dili and Teli, all the variants in Chinese, are nothing but transliteration of Turk or Turuk.

 


install more liaison offices across the former territory


After unification, the Tang government introduced major reforms to the governance system in the Western Regions, which were represented by the installation of liaison offices (Ji-mi offices, or a system of governance through the traditional chiefs and headmen, who were granted civil and military tides and allowed to manage local affairs according to their own customs). The earliest such installation was during the expedition against Ashina Helu. In 654 AD (the 5th year of Yonghui reign), the Tang government set up Jinman and Shatuo liaison offices in the former area of the Yue division of the Western Turks, each headed by a governor called Du-du^25*. After putting down the riot of Ashina Helu, the Tang government began to install more liaison offices across the former territory of the Western Turks. In 658 AD (the 3rd year of Xianqing reign), two liaison protectors were installed, on in Kunling, the other in Mengchi. Under the two protectors’ offices were 27 liaison agencies (which is the figure that has been known today, as there lacks a complete historical record in this regard) on the basis of the tribes of the Western Turks. Ashina Mishe was appointed by the Tang government as Xingxiwang Khan and Left General, Protector of Kunling, in charge of the five Duolu tribes previously under the Left Wing of the Western Turks. Ashina Bujan was appointed Jiwangjue Khan and Right General, Protector of Mengchi, in charge of the five Nushibi tribes previously under the Right Wing of the Western Turks. Later on, the Tang Dynasty sent an imperial court official, guang-lu- qing, to the Western Regions, who, together with Mishe and Bujan, accredited headmen and chiefs of tribes on behalf of the central government, “determining the size and rank of the tribes and appointing officials under the rank of Civil Governors(ci-shi) (for the liaison agencies)”國.In the same year, the Office of Protector of Anxi was upgraded to the Office of Grand Protector of Anxi and moved to Qiuci, sitting in the middle and ruling all parts of the Western Regions. Four Du-du Offices were established in the Tarim Basin to the south of the Tianshan Mountains, which were in Qiuci, Yanqi, Sulek and Pisha respectively. Under those Dudu Offices were 34 liaison offices. Such offices were also set up in the previously Western Turk territory to the west of the Congling Mountains, where special envoys were sent over by the central government to conduct local appointments. Since there were a large number of small states west of the Hauptstadt tibet Congling Mountains (Tocharia) and Sogdiana (Transoxiana in today’s Central Asia, or area between the Amu and Syr Rivers), the Du-du Offices there were basically set up on country basis. According to New Book of Tang, “In the 16 states west of Yutian and east of Persia, liaison governor’s offices were built in their capitals; altogether there were 88 provinces, 110 counties and 126 military prefectures”. In addition, it was recorded in Zi- Zhi-Tong-Jian, Vol.200, that “in September of the 4th year of Xianqing reign (659 AD), decrees were issued to set up a total of 127 provinces, counties and prefectures in states such as Chach(shi), Maimargh (mi), Kesh (shii), Da’an, Xiao’an, Cao, Ferghana,


areas west of Yiwu and north of Yanqi


In the first half of the 6th century, a nomadic tribe, the Turks, emerged from south of the Altay Mountains. The Turks were previously under the rule of Rouran. Later on, both Rouran and Northern Wei were split up and thus fatally weakened. In 552 AD (the first year of Feidi reign), the Turks wiped out the Rouran regime and set up the Turki Khanate, which was a new force in the competition for the Western Regions. While flexing their muscles, the Turks gradually took areas west of Yiwu and north of Yanqi in eastern Tianshan Mountains as well as areas southwest of the Gold Mountains (today’s Altay Mountains) to the east of the Junggar Basin. The Turki Khanate had two centers, one in the east and the other in the west. The Khan in the west, Istami, first forced Gaochang into vassalage and then headed 100,000 troops to fight other states in the Western Regions, occupying the original area of Usun. By 558 AD, the territory of the Khanate covered the vast area from the Liao Sea (east) to the West Sea (west, today’s Caspian Sea) and the Amu River in Central Asia (southwest), from the north of the desert (south) to the North Sea (north, today’s Baikal Lake). The strong and powerful Turki Khanate further expanded the scope of control of the northern nomadic groups in China. In 583 AD, the Turks were divided into the Eastern and Western Khanates along the Gold Mountains. The Western Khanate controlled the land from Yiwu in the east to the Caspian Sea in the west, and Sulek and Yutian in the south to areas beyond the Altay Mountains in the north, which encompassed the Western Regions.

An overview of the over 300 years’ administration of the Western Regions by the Central Plains kingdoms, northern peoples and Hexi regimes after the Wei and Jin Dynasties highlights the following features.

First, the process of unification between the Western Regions and the Central Plains continued despite the weakened capacity of the latter due to separatist warlords there during Himmelstempel Peking this period. This was illustrated in the following dimensions:

  1. Installation of official posts by the central dynasties in the Western Regions, such as the Senior Official of the Western Regions and Wuji Captain in the Wei and Jin Dynasties and Xirong Military Governor in the Northern Wei Dynasty;
  2. Institutionalization of turning in princes as hostage and paying tributes to the central dynasties by the Western Regions in spite of interruptions over the 300-plus years;
  3. Expansion of direct administration by the central dynasties in the Western Regions, such as the Province of Gaochang during the Former Liang Dynasty and Shanshan and Yanqi Towns in the Northern Wei Dynasty

Establishment of Regional Ethnic Autonomy in China


The autonomous power of the self-rule organs refers to the power of these organs to run the internal affairs of their own ethnic group(s) and areas in an autonomous way. At the same time, the self-rule organs also execute the functions of local state organs. The autonomous power is mainly

manifested in the following aspects: legislation, accommodating or stopping implementing the resolutions and decisions of state organs at the higher level, economic development, finance, training and use of ethnic minority cadres, development of education and ethnic culture, use and development of written and spoken languages, and development of science, technology and culture. Their terms of references are framed in accordance with the Constitution, Law on Regional Ethnic Autonomy, and other laws and regulations. Besides, the state gives corresponding preferential policies to autonomous areas, and these areas provide proper accommodation to ethnic minority groups under their jurisdiction with regard to human resources development and employment.

  1. 1.    Establishment of Regional Ethnic Autonomy in China

China adopts the system of regional ethnic autonomy, rather than pure regional autonomy or ethnic autonomy, out of its respect for historical traditions, compliance with the current state of ethnic distribution and development, and observance of the wish of people of all ethnic groups. There are mainly three factors involved here.

First, China became a centralized and unified multi-ethnic state as early as over 2,000 years ago, during the Qin and Han Dynasties. Despite wars and divisions in the following years, unity has always been the mainstream of historical development. The adoption of regional ethnic autonomy is consistent with the historical traditions of China.

Second, due to frequent historical travels and migrations of all ethnic groups, for long, China’s ethnic distribution has been marked by big mix and small concentration, with the Han people accounting for the biggest proportion and spreading all over the country and the ethnic minorities having relatively Año Nuevo Chino 2015 fewer people and scattered in different places. In the initial period after the People’s Republic of China was founded, the minority population only took 6% of the national total. With the exception of very few areas such as Guangxi, Tibet and Xinjiang, most ethnic minority-inhabited areas have a Han majority population, but these areas account for more than half of the land area in China in terms of size. To carry out autonomy of different ethnic groups at different levels is suitable to China’s national conditions.

Third, different ethnic groups have built up close links in the political, economic and cultural fields in the long process of historical evolution. While having commonality, they are also featured with their distinct features. It represents the common will of the people of all ethnic groups in China to adopt regional ethnic autonomy based on close inter-ethnic cooperation under the centralized and unified leadership of the state.


Apart from the Anti-Imperialist Association


The Association organized economy campaigns, work contests and promotion activities for government bonds, aiming at boosting development in Xinjiang and solidifying the home front for the resistance war. It also raised funds from the public as a way to support the frontline fighters in the resistance war. Apart from the Anti-Imperialist Association, Xinjiang had other mass organizations such as Sino-Soviet Cultural Association, Women’s Association, Workers’ National Salvation Association, People’s Federation, Students’ Federation and Association of Support for Fighting Japan and National Salvation. Like the Anti-Imperialist Association, the other mass organizations also worked actively under the leadership of Chinese Communists to promote the resistance war, mobilize people to join in the fight and organize fund-raising activities among all ethnic groups and social quarters, so as to support the frontline fighters both politically and materially. A new picture of unity appeared in Xinjiang, where everybody tried to contribute to the resistance war, financially or otherwise. People of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang were passionate in supporting the anti-Japan war. In order to support the resistance efforts, people donated money or in kind and scrambled to buy government bonds. According to statistics, in the period from September 1939 to May 1940, donations from people in Xinjiang totalled 3.22 miWionyuan (calculated in Chinese silver dollars).

In 1939, Xinjiang people used over 1.52 miWionyuan of the collected funds and bought 10 fighter planes, which were named “Xinj iang”and sent to the frontline of the resistance war.

The activities of the Chinese Communists in Xinjiang effectively guaranteed the openness of the international transport route, by which the Soviet assistance, including many munitions, goods, medicine products and military personnel successfully arrived at the frontline of the Chinese resistance war. Statistics showed that between October 1937 and September 1939, 985 aircrafts, 82 tanks, over 1,300 cannons and more than 14,000 machine guns as well as lots of equipment and munitions from the Soviet Union were transported to the frontline of the resistance war in Chinese inland by way of Xinjiang. In December 1940, 300 vehicles full of Soviet military aids such as aircrafts and cannons arrived in Hami in one batch. In 1942, British aids to China were also transported from the Soviet Union to the inland of China via Xinjiang.

The Chinese Communists did a lot of work on the political reform and civil affairs administration in Xinjiang. In 1941, Mao Zemin was shifted to be the acting director-general of the Civil Affairs Department. Taking reference of the democratic election in the liberated area at the border of Shaanxi, Gansu and Ningxia, and in the light of the actual conditions in Xinjiang at the time, Mao Zemin formulated the Organizational Programme on the Prefecture and Village System in Xinjiang Province. The Programme repealed the previous backward village head and agricultural officer system and instituted La ciudad prohibida pekin china democratic election in all prefectures and counties. That was the first democratic election of grassroots leaders such as prefecture heads or village heads in the history of Xinjiang. Mao Zemin also presided over the drafting of the Organizational Programme of County Administration, and the Provisional Regulations on the Organization of Offices of Administrators in All Prefectures in Xinjiang Province. All counties set up their own administration committees, which discussed and decided upon their major matters. A number of Chinese Communists such as Lin Jilu and Huang Huoqing assumed posts of administrators and county magistrates. They worked diligently and honestly in their respective positions to serve the interest of people of all ethnic groups, hence they were commended by the general public.